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Clive Crook

Recently by Clive Crook

Mar 12 2009, 12:29PM

Recession? What recession?

When I checked the New York Times mid-morning, I was surprised to see that this was the most emailed story:

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Mar 5 2009, 9:12PM

More like France

I have a column in this weekend's National Journal on American exceptionalism and the lure of the European model. I'll post it as as soon as it goes online--but meanwhile I recommend this piece by Roger Cohen from the NYT on the same subject. An excellent column, and I agreed with every word.

I lived for about a decade, on and off, in France and later moved to the United States. Nobody in their right mind would give up the manifold sensual, aesthetic and gastronomic pleasures offered by French savoir-vivre for the unrelenting battlefield of American ambition were it not for one thing: possibility.

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Feb 26 2009, 10:22AM

It depends what you mean by nationalize

Not even the most generous observer would say that the Treasury and the Fed have done a good job of explaining the thinking behind their financial stability plan. I think this note by Douglas Elliott does a much better job than they have. If you want to understand the logic of the administration's position, have a look.


On the underlying analysis, Elliott is with Geithner and Bernanke most of the way, which lately puts him in the minority of commentators. The main difference is that he is willing to say that outright nationalization might be necessary for "one or two" large banks, whereas Geithner and Bernanke persist in giving the impression that they will avoid this if at all possible. Most economists who follow this subject now seem to be arguing for outright nationalization of many banks--or, as they put it, "the banks" (choose your own number). People often seem to be talking past each other. Elliott persuades me that some of the discussion of the Fed/Treasury plan is muddled by terminology.

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Feb 24 2009, 4:48PM

Obama's fiscal policy

In this column for the Financial Times, I say that once the recovery is secure, taxes are going to have to go up--and not just on the top sliver of incomes:

This year's budget deficit will be about $1,400bn or roughly 10 per cent of gross domestic product. This comprises $1,200bn, as recently estimated by the independent Congressional Budget Office, plus another $200bn from the first year of the fiscal stimulus. What happens after that? A new analysis for the Brookings Institution by Alan Auerbach and William Gale estimates that the deficit will average at least $1,000bn a year over the next decade - and this on the basis of some pretty optimistic assumptions.

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Feb 20 2009, 1:21PM

Some thoughts on Obama's housing plan

The administration's housing plan seems well thought out. All three parts address clear weaknesses in the present arrangements.


The refinancing element, aimed at borrowers in good standing, allows Fannie and Freddie to refinance loans where the value of the mortgage is between 80% and 105% of the value of the property. Up to now they have not been allowed to do this (unless the mortgage is insured). Many borrowers in good standing have seen their loan-to-value ratios climb into this range because of falling house prices. The rule preventing refinancing at current lower rates is self-defeating from the agencies' own point of view, since it increases the chances of default. The plan puts this right--helping both the GSEs and their borrowers. (Some complain that the change only helps borrowers with loans owned or guaranteed by the GSEs. Well, yes, those were the loans affected by the restriction in the first place.)


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Feb 18 2009, 5:24PM

Is 1,400 pages a problem?

My friend Stan Collender, who knows more about the budget process than anybody else I can think of, says my wife is wonderful but takes me to task for my remarks on the length of the fiscal stimulus bill. (Paul Krugman, quite unappeased by my accusing Republicans of hypocrisy on the point, congratulates him on a "fine takedown".)

What Clive seems to be saying is that, at 1400 pages, the bill could not possibly have been reviewed in detail by many members of Congress before they voted for it given the rush to get it done.  What he doesn't say is that most representatives and senators generally only review the parts of any bill that are important to them for some reason...

[C]iting the number of pages as a reason to think legislation is bad is ridiculous.  That's on a par with football commentators talking about the number of minutes one team has had the ball compared to the other or the greater number of plays one team has run.

Stan, please, read what I wrote:

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Feb 15 2009, 11:30AM

Fiscal stimulus: repent at leisure

The administration was right to press for a big fiscal stimulus, I think, and it is better to have the bill that emerged from Congress than none. (The FT called it ugly but necessary: I couldn't have put it better myself.) Still, if ever a rushed extravagant purchase was likely to induce a touch of buyer's remorse, it is this one.

Republicans have a point when they complain about the inordinate length of the bill--1,400 pages or thereabouts (the count does not seem to have settled down yet). Republicans are right to say that not a single senator or congressman voting for it can have read it. Of course, it is hypocrisy for them to say this: failing to read the law you are voting for is standard working method in Congress. But that doesn't invalidate the criticism, certainly not in the eyes of the public. Not every unread piece of legislation costs taxpayers $800 billion. It isn't too much to ask that the politicians voting for this law, even if they had to make an exception, had read it first.

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Feb 11 2009, 2:57PM

Not exactly a vote of confidence

Watching Geithner I recalled that the president had declined to take questions about the new financial stability plan at his press conference on Monday. He didn't want to steal the spotlight from the Treasury secretary on Tuesday, he said. He jokingly urged the press to turn up for that: "He will be terrific." Well, he wasn't, and I'm not just talking about the anxious hesitant delivery.

What Obama said on Monday struck me as a bit odd at the time, as though he was most concerned about the performance aspect. Now it seems odder. The president knew what we now know, that the next stability plan does not yet exist. The breathless build-up for today's announcement had led everybody to expect an actual plan. When the Treasury said, "We're still working on it," Wall Street recoiled, and the White House should not be surprised.

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Feb 10 2009, 5:21PM

Dismal science, revisited

Paul Krugman and Robert Barro have both responded to my column accusing them of putting politics first. Paul wonders what has happened to me:

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Feb 10 2009, 3:00PM

Son of TARP

The Obama administration knows that the politics of its new Financial Stability Plan is even more difficult than the economics--which is saying something. The country detests the Troubled Asset Relief Programme, now recast and renamed, regarding it as a vastly expensive rescue of the people who caused the crisis. Tim Geithner acknowledged this on Tuesday. The administration had to improve and expand the programme, while persuading voters that costs will be controlled and that the villains will be punished. The goals are complicated, and the result is a bit of a mess.

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Feb 7 2009, 5:14PM

Protectionism and the stimulus

My new column for National Journal attacks the Buy America language in the fiscal stimulus bills [the link expires in two weeks].

During the past few months, as the severity of the recession has become clearer, drawing parallels with the Depression of the 1930s has been a staple of economic commentary. Rightly so: This may yet turn out to be the worst economic setback for 70 years, and the Great Depression says something about how bad things can get if governments fail to respond quickly and about the need to learn from history.

Speaking of that, remember Smoot-Hawley? One can overstate its role, no doubt--it did not actually cause the Depression--but most economists, I think it fair to say, believe that the effort in the 1930s to boost domestic output by restricting imports made things worse. The collapse of world trade, and hence global output, was helped along by deliberate policies in the United States and abroad, as governments tried to keep employment high at home by shifting unemployment overseas. In the end, everybody was worse off.

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Feb 3 2009, 9:26PM

The reckless stupidity of "Buy America"

The Buy America provisions in the House stimulus bill were bad enough. The Senate version threatens to make them even worse, extending them from government purchases of steel to government purchases of all manufactures. These measures are possibly illegal in international law, flatly contradict a commitment that the US made at the G20 summit in November, and (most important) are likely to hurt the economy more than help it. Is this the new spirit of US multilateralism? Smoot Hawley, anyone?


Read the analysis by Gary Hufbauer and Jeff Schott of the Peterson Institute.


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Feb 2 2009, 3:25PM

Bad politics and urgent remedies

My Monday column for the FT is a plea for rapid action on the stimulus.

You could not call the fiscal stimulus passed by the US House of Representatives last week, without a single Republican vote, a beautiful piece of legislation.


With luck it will be improved over the next few weeks. But if you believe, as I do, that a big stimulus is needed, a measure of this sort, however unlovely, is far safer than the likeliest alternative -- which is further protracted delay.


While Washington quarrels about the details in this absurdly complex proposal -- it runs to more than 600 pages -- the recession worsens.


Politicians seem unaware. Jobs are evaporating, the housing market continues to deteriorate, a fresh and even larger wave of mortgage foreclosures may be approaching, the financial system is prostrate. Meanwhile, Democrats dream their dreams about reinventing America and Republicans recite their anti-government catechism.

You can read the rest here.

Jan 29 2009, 7:00AM

Bill Easterly's new blog

I am a fan of Bill Easterly, author of "The Elusive Quest for Growth" and "The White Man's Burden". He is the most consistently interesting and provocative development economist I know. Strafing the aid industry, as he does, takes courage: it offends most right-thinking people and is apt to make you unpopular except with bigots and misanthropes (and Bill is as far removed from those last two categories as anyone could be). The great man has  just started blogging. Add "Aid Watch" to your bookmarks.


One of his first entries is about an invitation from the UNHCR to a "Refugee Run"--in Davos, if you can believe it. "Experience life as a refugee!" At first, Bill says, he thought this was a joke, as one would. I had to google for myself. Apparently, it isn't:

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Jan 27 2009, 1:24PM

The CBO on the fiscal stimulus

My main reaction to the CBO's new review of the House stimulus bill (see the director's blog; a fuller version) is that the package is much smaller than previously supposed. The CBO says it would increase the budget deficit by $816 billion during  2009-2019, but by only $525 billion when it is most needed, in the remainder of fiscal 2009 and 2010. The stimulus for the rest of 2009 is put at just $169 billion. The 2009-2010 stimulus needs to be much bigger, in my view. And the ten-year stimulus should be much smaller: if you are going to look that far ahead, you should see lower spending and higher revenues relative to baseline.


A lot of the front-loading, such as it is, comes from the tax-cut provisions that many Democrats object to. Almost the whole of the ten-year tax-cut stimulus, a little over $200 billion, arrives in 2009 and 2010. If the plan relied on spending alone, barely half of the ten-year stimulus would take effect in 2009-2010.


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